Präsentativkonstruktionen und Cleftsätze (German Edition)

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We also aim to integrate these usage examples into our mobile applications mobile website, apps as quickly as possible. Hallo Welt. DE EN. My search history My favourites. Javascript has been deactivated in your browser. Reactivation will enable you to use the vocabulary trainer and any other programs. Would you like to add some words, phrases or translations? The results are also consistent, then, with reports of low Clahsen ; Standard German , intermediate Penner ; Bernese , and high error rates Gawlitzek-Maiwald et al. The model thus mis-sets a parameter, recovers, and sheds further light on SG acquisition.

In German relative clauses RCs , the verb usually occupies the final position 1a. However, under specific conditions iv2 structures as in 1b are licensed cf.

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Our claim in a nutshell is that iv2 structures are a subtype of subordinate clauses, i. TopicP in which the verb has moved to Fin 0 and the demonstrative is a resumptive topic pronoun 2. At the same time, this analysis accounts for several problems of existing iv2 analyses e. The last piece of evidence in support of 2 comes from acquisition. In our picture-supported delayed-imitation task, 3 to 5-year-old monolingual German-speaking children repeated V-final RCs more often correctly than iv2 structures at all ages, and changed iv2 structures into V-final relatives significantly more often than the other way around.

Semantic restrictions in verb-second vs. In Dutch, V2 underlies stricter semantic restrictions than non-v2, i. For German, Vf has been shown to be more restricted than V2 w. The present paper presents evidence that there are different semantic restrictions on German V2 vs.

Meaning of "Zeiß" in the German dictionary

Vf wh-exclamatives and argues that the two structures come with different force operators. Like Dutch, German allows the full range of wh-words that occur in questions also in exclamatives Repp Both wh-words may occur with the quantifier alles all , which in questions indicates exhaustiveness Zimmermann , and in exclamatives a large amount, i. Was is a multi purpose question word that can ask about entities, propositions, reasons see 3a and AG1 Was-exclamatives can express surprise at all these semantic objects, apart from reasons: 3b , which is string-identical to 3a , receives a high degree reading in V2 and V.

Note that the verb in 3 is intransitive so was cannot be the object of the verb. To explore the readings of was and the co-occurrence of alles with was in V2 vs. Vf exclamatives, a corpus study was conducted mil token sub-corpus of dewac Baroni et al.

VERBS with "VER" - Super Easy German (66)

The former readings only occurred in Vf exclamatives. The latter occurred in V2 and in Vf. So, again V2 but not Vf exclamatives can be shown to be subject to a degree restriction. To account for the difference I propose that V2 and Vf exclamatives host different exclamative force operators rather than e. V2 only allows degree readings and Vf allows degree, individual and manner readings. Wh-phrases are set restrictors requiring their complement either to be a set of entities, degrees or manners so that wh-structures either are individual, degree or manner properties yielding the appropriate semantic object for the force operator in V2 vs.

Wen der alles eingeladen hat! Wen der eingeladen hat! Wen hat der alles eingeladen! Wen hat der eingeladen! Was hast du so geweint? Was hast du geweint! The class of verbs of communication such as say occupied one pole allowing MCP freely in their complements while factives such as be happy that occupied the other. In this talk we present the results of three experiments one on Swedish and two on English that aimed to test empirically the claim that the possibility of V2 in an embedded clause EV2 follows from whether or not In the first experiment, L1 speakers of Swedish were asked to judge the acceptability of question-response pairs where, following Simons , the question was manipulated to vary the location of the MPU in the response: in the main or the embedded clause.

There were two other independent variables: the classification of the embedding verb in the response, and whether or not the embedded clause in the response exhibited V2. Strikingly, the judgments also mirror the frequency difference between EV2 in the complements to epistemic vs. An alternative interpretation, preserving the idea that MPU licenses EV2, would be that participants may have essentially ignored the MPU-licensing questions when evaluating the acceptability of the responses.

Under such an account the low acceptability of EV2 under factives would have to follow from the inability of speakers to interpret clauses in this immediate environment as the MPU. In order to investigate this possibility, two follow-up experiments were conducted, this time with English speakers, where participants were presented with question-response pairs where the MPU of the response was either in the main or the embedded clause, or the response did not address the question.

The second variable was whether the embedding predicate was factive or non-factive. In this experiment the participants were asked to judge whether the response was a direct or indirect answer to the question, or did not answer it at all. In the conditions where the response did not address the question, informants reliably scored the responses low for directness, showing that at least here the participants These follow-up experiments thus support Simons contention that speakers can interpret the complements to factives as the MPU.

They therefore also support our conclusion that the low rating for EV2 in factive contexts in Swedish cannot be accounted for in purely pragmatic terms, but motivates instead a more narrowly semantico-syntactic explanation, such as Haegeman s intervention account. The analysis attracting the most support in recent times in that EV2 is conditioned by and marks assertion; it only appears under matrix predicates compatible with assertion, hence is blocked under negation and factives.

However, as Wiklund notes, there are reasons to doubt that this is the whole story; some speakers allow EV2 under predicates which are not typically assertive such as semifactives and negation and EV2 is not essential in order to include other root phenomena such as speech act adverbs in the embedded clause. This paper supports Wiklund by looking to unify Germanic EV2 with a parallel embedded root phenomenon in English: embedded questions with subject-auxiliary inversion EIQs such as 1. EIQs are clearly not asserted but also like EV2 as they are islands for extraction, cannot appear in sentence-initial position, and license other root phenomena such as speech act adverbs.

They also both disambiguate between competing perspectives: unlike unmarked embedded clauses, they are not ambiguous between reporting speaker and original speaker orientation. This will be argued to be the key effect of embedded verb movement. Interestingly, the perspective marked by embedded verb movement differs from language to language; a fact noted with respect to embedded imperatives by Kaufmann In English EIQs, subject-auxiliary inversion gives rise to a quasi-quotational environment in which the perspective of the original speaker the matrix subject takes precedence.

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The embedded clause is clearly subordinate to the matrix clause as shown by indexicality and sequence of tense, as well as the occasional occurrence of the complementiser under the right syntactic conditions. However, expressive elements, speech act adverbs and discourse particles orient to the matrix arguments, i.

The original discourse is also privileged in terms of the availability of de re and de dicto readings only the latter are available, even if the reporting speaker has de re knowledge , and the fact that the matrix subject is understood to have a close relationship with or interest in the arguments of the embedded clause.

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The original discourse is also privileged in this way in the related Romance phenomenon of recomplementation the presence of multiple complementisers. These facts also hold in English embedded imperatives, whose subject must be the original addressee. Finally, the use of an EIQ presupposes that the EIQ was a question-under-discussion in the original discourse context, whereas use of an indirect question does not: 2 a.

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This fits Kaufmann s claims that the subject of embedded imperatives in German must be the addressee in the reporting context. It is claimed that marked clauses contain extra structure, namely a nominalising Illocutionary Act IA head cf. Potts , Lahiri and a variable denoting the Centre of Evaluation CoE the coordinates of the relevant discourse and the relationship between the relevant discourse participants.

Evidence for the nominalising head includes the islandhood of the IAP and the fact that IAP clauses can directly modify overt content nouns. There is also cross-linguistic evidence from Mupun, Frajzyngier for the overt spell-out of the CoE. This analysis contributes to the wider discussion of the syntactisation of perspectives and the embeddability of perspectives in language. It builds on Cook s work on Plains Cree to show that overt marking of perspective can be embedded, helping work towards a better understanding of how languages and language families vary in this respect, and some of the micro-differences involved.

In particular, the relevant question concerns the function of V2 and the conditions licensing its occurrence in adverbial clause structures in which both arrangements would, in principle, be possible. Das reicht deshalb nicht, weil das Programm des dem suffices c. DLF, Nov. AGD, Dec. Simons , Holler , although this hypothesis is still under debate.

Building on syntactic-pragmatic evidence licensing of assertive Given that V2 may exclusively appear in certain types of COMP-introduced adverbial constructions allowing for an assertive reading, I will make the following points: a. Freywald ; c. The role of V2 in COMP-introduced adverbial clauses consists in disambiguating the assertive potential of the embedded clause. Desintegration und Interpretation.

Interpreting Embedded Verb Second. Causal Modifiers in German. In Costantinescu, Cornelia et al.